1 edition of Democracy in prewar Japan found in the catalog.
Democracy in prewar Japan
Includes bibliographical references.
|Statement||edited with an introduction by George O. Totten.|
|Series||Problems in Asian civilisations|
|Contributions||Totten, George O.|
|The Physical Object|
|Number of Pages||107|
Gordon suggests that the thought and behavior of Japanese workers both reflected and furthered the intense concern with popular participation and national power that has marked Japan's modern history. Thus, it is difficult to ascribe the development or nondevelopment of democratic regimes solely to the level of their economic development. When the propertied, educated leaders of this movement gained a share of power in the s, they disagreed on how far to go toward incorporating working men and women into an expanded body politic. Economic Conditions One might argue that a low level of economic development provides sufficient grounds for a semi-democratic regime to collapse.
As these newly educated youths reached adulthood, during the first two decades of the twentieth century, the revolution in basic literacy created a population of avid newspaper readers, which included the working poor in the cities. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher. In the parochial political culture, individuals have no expectations about the political system, are indifferent to both the input and output aspects of the political system, and do not conceive of themselves as active participants in politics. On November 9,Tokugawa Yoshinobu resigned from his post and authorities to the Emperoragreeing to "be the instrument for carrying out" imperial orders. Put simply, by establishing an emperor-centered constitutional order, promoting a capitalist, industrializing economy, and leading Japan to imperial power in Asia, the imperial bureaucrats of Meiji unwittingly provoked the movement for imperial democracy. Although the shogunate had no intention of enforcing the order, it nevertheless inspired attacks against the shogunate itself and against foreigners in Japan.
Given that political culture is unlikely to change in a short time, it is logically inconsistent to argue that a semi-democratic regime that has developed under a particular political culture which may be unfavorable for the development of democracy collapses because of this same political culture. He does not believe that the political cultures in the world will eventually converge into one favorable to democracy, a type of regime that has appeared so far mainly in the West. If a regime is a polyarchy [democracy], it is more likely to exist in a country at a relatively high level of socioeconomic development than at a lower level. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher. I have used "democracy" with two criteria in mind: 1 adherence to the concept of the innate dignity of man and recognition of his total development as the ultimate goal of the state; and 2 acceptance of choice as the fundamental qualification of democratic institutions, with positive protection for civil liberties, a competitive party system, and the other necessities of an "open society.
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A semi-democratic regime that collapses must be seen as a regime that has failed, and not as one that has not fully developed into a democracy. However, as the pace of economic development lags and fails to meet people's changing aspirations, social frustration spreads. Hence, we claim that none of the three hypotheses determined the founding of competitive authoritarianism in both countries.
When imperial democracy emerged as a movement for change in the early twentieth century, its leaders contested for power with the Meiji oligarchs.
Samuel Huntington, whose work is more recent than that of Dahl, also mentions thresholds as related to prospects for democratization. Thus, it is difficult to ascribe the development or nondevelopment of democratic regimes solely to the level of their economic development.
The above definition, however, acknowledges the necessity for experimentation in economic forms. He contrasts Asian and Western political culture and explains the implications of these differences for democracy.
Gordon argues that such phenomena as riots, labor disputes, and union organizing can best be understood as part of an early twentieth-century movement for "imperial dem In this context, the intense polarization of laborers and owners during the Depression helped ultimately to destroy the legitimacy of imperial democracy.
The first, the conditional approach, argues that such regimes break down when necessary and sufficient conditions for further democratization do not exist. He labels a political regime a civic regime when its political institutions can accommodate the actual level of political participation in the system and a praetorian regime when its political institutions cannot accommodate political participation and the people must resort to extra-legal means to express their political demands.
This book encompasses a lengthy time span, dating from the late 19th century to the present day, and readers will be able to understand and appreciate how Japanese democracy changed over this time.
Pye believes there are irreconcilable differences between the political cultures of the West and Asia. The imperial democratic movement had roots in an earlier challenge to these imperial bureaucrats, the Movement for Freedom and Popular Rights. The results support his proposition, showing that "the average wealth, degree of industrialization and urbanization, and level of education is much higher for the more democratic countries.
From to the decidedly more liberal vision of the Minseito Party and its bureaucratic allies, which would have granted significant autonomy to popular organizations, was dominant. While Lipset, Dahl, and Diamond all agree that such a relationship exists, and agree that greater economic development contributes to sustaining and developing democracies, none claims that greater economic development is a necessary and sufficient condition for democratic development.
By the early twentieth century, these formerly parochial, apolitical people, or their children, had a firm sense of themselves as members of the nation and were anxious to voice their political opinions on matters of foreign and domestic policy and insistent that they be respected.
Although one could argue that a semidemocratic regime does not democratize further because of a particular political culture, once such a regime has developed to a certain point, it is impossible to ascribe its breakdown to political culture.
Add to basket Add to wishlist Description "Labor and Imperial Democracy in Prewar Japan" examines the political role played by working men and women in prewar Tokyo and offers a reinterpretation of the broader dynamics of Japan's prewar political history.
Importantly, Gordon shows how historians might reconsider the roles of tenant farmers, students, and female activists, for example, in the rise and transformation of imperial democracy. Frederick R. In recent years, as research on hybrid regimes has advanced, some scholars have examined conditions that affect the development of one type of hybrid regime, competitive authoritarianism.Failed Democratization in Prewar Japan presents a compelling case study on change in political regimes through its exploration of Japan's transition to atlasbowling.com a broad-ranging examination of Japan's "semi-democratic" political system from towhen political parties tended to dominate the government, the book analyzes in detail why this system collapsed in and discusses.
In closely related and readable essays, thirteen leading experts consider three main components of democracy in Japan - political, social, and economic. The editors’ introduction provides historical background, making this book accessible and valuable for students, the general reader interested in Japan, as well as the specialist.3/5(2).
promoted the establishment of democracy and eventually socialism in Ja pan. Unlike the JCP, however, the Socialist Party—the left wing of which essentially coincided with the prewar Rono-ha—followed Yamakawa's in itiative in advocating a peaceful path to socialism in Japan (heiwa kaku-mei).'0Cited by: Feb 20, · Labor and Imperial Democracy in Prewar Japan examines the political role played by working men and women in prewar Tokyo and offers a reinterpretation of the broader dynamics of Japan's prewar political history.
Gordon argues that such phenomena as riots, labor disputes, and union organizing can best be understood as part of an early twentieth Brand: University of California Press. Marxism and the Crisis of Development in Prewar Japan Germaine A. Hoston Published by Princeton University Press Hoston, Germaine A.
Marxism and the Crisis of Development in Prewar atlasbowling.com by: "Labor and Imperial Democracy in Prewar Japan" examines the political role played by working men and women in prewar Tokyo and offers a reinterpretation of the broader dynamics of Japan's prewar political history.
Gordon argues that such phenomena as riots, labor disputes, and union organizing can best be understood as part of an early twentieth.